Att vara kyrka i samtiden 2

Min doktorsavhandling handlar om hur det sydafrikanska kyrkorådets (SACC) profetiska röst förändrades runt 1990, när Mandela släpptes ur fångenskap och ANC inte längre var olagligt. I denna bloggpost kommer jag att fokusera på begreppen ”critical solidarity” och ”critical engagement”. En artikel som jag läste i sammanhanget var Tracy Kuperus: “Building Democracy: An Examination of Religious Associations in South Africa and Zimbabwe” i The Journal of Modern African Studies, vol. 37, no. 4 –1999, sid 657. Kuperus skriver såhär:

More specifically, in the early 1990s, religious leaders, especially those connected with the SACC, decided that a different contextual theology – a theology of reconstruction (rather than resistance) – was needed to ground the churches’ goals and purposes in the new South Africa (sid 657).

Med andra ord fick jag stöd i mitt antagande att det var 1990 som SACC’s roll förändrades. Kuperus fortsätter:

A theology of reconstruction involves churches that are in critical solidarity with a democratically elected government. Churches and religious organisations cannot simply retreat to saving souls and letting politicians do the politicking, nor can they continue criticizing and resisting the state, making unrealistic, utopian demands. Instead, the church ‘must be critical’ but from within the context of solidarity and support for what is good and laudable in the government’s programmes’ (sid 657-658).

Att Kuperus använde begreppet “critical solidarity” var intressant, för det hittade jag också ofta i mitt material. Så skriver exempelvis generalsekreteraren för SACC år 1995, året efter det första demokratiska valet i Sydafrika:

The Churches are committed to stand in critical solidarity with the Government, participating in and supporting those aspects that uphold justice, that bring new dignity and create greater opportunities for the people, but challenging the Government when it forgets the marginalised, the needs of the poor, and its responsibility to all sectors of society. The Church’s role in civil society is well established, it has a strong base from which to call accountability’ (GS rapport till National Conference 1995, sid 15).

Det som sedan hände var att röster utanför och inom SACC börjar ifrågasätta huruvida det var rätt att bygga relationen till regeringen på just ”solidaritet”. Är det inte något som visas dem som är fattiga och lever i utsatthet? Vid SACC’s nationella konferens 2001 beslutades att införa ett nytt begrepp, nämligen ”critical engagement”. Här talas inte heller om regeringen utan om staten, vilket i sig är intressant:

… that the SACC adopt an attitude of critical engagement in its dealings with the state and other organs of civil society and therefore requests the NEC to develop clear policies that will inform the concept of ‘critical engagement’ and to assist SACC members in defining our relationship with the State; (SACC National Conference 2001, resolution 18).

Det går att ställa många frågor om dagens situation i Sydafrika. Min uppfattning är att SACC fortfarande kämpar med att hitta sin nya roll i relation till Sydafrikas regering och till staten.

Hur ser det då ut i Sverige? Anledningen till att jag skriver denna bloggpost är att något nytt inträffade i år, när ett högernationalistiskt parti fick tillträde till Regeringskansliet. Som jag skrev i min förra bloggpost är regeringen legitim. Det finns ingen anledning att ifrågasätta det. Däremot behöver vi som kristna förhålla oss extra vaksamt i denna nya situation. Det är förstås alltid viktigt. Exempelvis skrev jag ett antal debattartiklar – tillsammans med andra personer – under den förra regeringens ämbetsperiod. En av dem handlade om Bibelns ställning i skolans kursplaner och tidningen Dagen skrev då under rubriken: ”Bibeln struken ur skolans kursplan – blev fråga för Löfven”

Skolverket har strukit Bibeln från skolans nya kursplan. Det konstaterade biskop Åke Bonnier och Anders Göranzon, ordförande respektive generalsekreterare för Svenska bibelsällskapet, i en debattartikel i Dagen, vilket blev startskottet på en stor samhällsdebatt.

En utmaning är att det finns tecken på att den nya regeringen möjligen är något mer välvilligt inställd till kristendomen. Det är i och för sig bra men inte om det sker på bekostnad av andra religioner, vilket jag befarar med tanke på regeringens stödpartis syn på exempelvis islam. Jag misstänker också att kyrkan i allmänhet och Svenska kyrkan i synnerhet förväntas ägna sig åt ”interna”, frågor och inte lägga sig i det som rör politiken. När jag läser Sverigedemokraternas kyrkopolitiska valplattform 2021 finner jag följande:

Sedan länge har Svenska kyrkans identitet, organisation och relation till staten och det offentliga samhället diskuterats flitigt, samtidigt har den interna diskussionen om Svenska kyrkans prioriteringar i det externa kommunikations- och informationsflödet kommit något i skymundan. Frågan är samtidigt viktig att ta tag i, särskilt mot bakgrund av de senaste årens stora oro och kritik mot att kyrkan är otydlig i sin identitet, sina konturer och prioriteringar. Något som vuxit och bidragit till medlemstappet. Mot bakgrund av Svenska kyrkans storlek, medborgerliga förankring och starka opinionsbildande roll är valet av frågor och prioriteringar i de externa kommunikations- och informationsflödena avgörande. Såväl för det omgivande samhällets och omvärldens syn på kyrkan, som för Svenska kyrkans egen självbild och medlemmarnas förtroende för kyrkans arbete och val av prioriteringar. Det har de senaste åren konstaterats att Svenska kyrkan på nationell nivå agerat som en politiskt opinionsbildande aktör och det i frågor som inte kan anses vara kyrkans kärnfrågor och det med en tydlig slagsida åt vänsterliberalism. Man kan ställa det i relation till vad Svenska kyrkans medlemmar kan tänkas vilja att vår kyrka ska prioritera. Studier har visat att det medlemmarna prioriterar lägst är klimatfrågor och deltagande i samhällsdebatten. Vi menar att Svenska kyrkan främst ska prioritera hjälp till utsatta i lokalsamhället, själavård och att sprida det kristna budskapet. Gudstjänst, undervisning, mission och diakoni (sid 16).

Ett parti som har enormt stort inflytande på regeringen ifrågasätter om det största samfundet, Svenska kyrkan, ska engagera sig i klimatfrågor och delta i samhällsdebatten.

Här behöver kristna i Sverige samlas och fundera. Hur ska vi vara kyrka i samtiden? Vi kan lära oss något av SACC som vid en viss punkt menade att det var vettigare att använda begreppet ”critical engagement” i förhållande till den politiska makten än ”critical solidarity”. Hur ska vi idag beskriva vår relation till staten?

Att vara kyrka i samtiden 1

För någon vecka sedan skrev jag en insändare i Dagens Nyheter. Där kritiserade jag Tidöavtalet, som jag ser som oerhört problematiskt. Utifrån detta funderar jag nu över hur jag som kristen ska förhålla mig till den politiska makten och hur jag utifrån det ska påverka min egen kyrka eller kristenheten i stort, att förhålla sig till den politiska makten på ett liknande sätt.

Det jag skriver i denna bloggpost grundar jag på saker jag fann, när jag studerade Sydafrikas kyrkoråd (South African Council of Churches) och deras relation till den politiska makten före och efter 1990. Det går att läsa mer om det i min avhandling.

När jag skulle beskriva SACC’s roll hämtade jag begrepp från en amerikansk teolog; Walter Brueggemann. Han talar om olika ”trajectories” i den Hebreiska bibeln (det kristna kallar Gamla testamentet). Det finns ingen bra svensk översättning – en trajectory är den bana en boll eller kula löper i. Men jag använder det svenska ordet ”perspektiv” i brist på bättre. Brueggemann skiljer på ett mosaiskt perspektiv och ett davidiskt. När Mose går till Farao (2 Mos 5) är det för att befria sitt folk från en illegitim tyrann. Israels folk ska lämna Egypten. Uttåget, exodus, är målet. Det är ett mosaiskt perspektiv.

När profeten Natan går till David (2 Sam 12) och ställer honom mot väggen, eftersom David förgripit sig på Batseba och tagit livet av hennes man Uria, är det ett annat perspektiv. Natan ifrågasätter aldrig att David är kung. Han ifrågasätter Davids sätt att vara kung.

Under kampen mot apartheid övervägde det mosaiska perspektivet. Efter demokratiseringen det davidiska.

I Sverige har vi en legitim regering som samverkar med ett parti utanför regeringen. Rent konstitutionellt är det inget märkligt. Det har hänt förr. Men Tidöavtalet är i så stora delar ett uttryck för den politik som regeringens stödparti för, att det är viktigt att vara observant.

Det behövs en profetisk röst som liknar Natans. Ett mod att gå till makten och säga ifrån när de personer som lever i utsatthet hotas. Gäller kritiken regeringen så är utgångspunkten att den är demokratiskt vald och legitim.

I nästa bloggpost funderar jag över några begrepp som SACC använde efter 1990. Det handlar om begreppen ”critical solidarity” och ”critical engagement”. Det var inte helt enkelt för SACC att hitta sin nya roll i förhållande till en regering som man fäste så stora förhoppningar vid men som med åren ådrog sig mer och mer kritik.

Number Two to Tutu

In The Return of the King (the third part of the movie The Lord of the Rings) Frodo and Sam are on their way to Mount Doom when Frodo collapses and is unable to continue. Sam then starts to carry him and says about the Ring:

I can't carry it for you, but I can carry you.

Sam is the kind of leader that understands that it takes a team to succeed and that every member of the team is equally important. He has felt the power of the Ring and realised that it is not for him to be the Ring-bearer.

When I read a book about Desmond Tutu, a book that I bought long time ago, I thought of this movie and especially this quote. And it is not farfetched. Tolkien was born in South Africa and was baptised in the Anglican Cathedral of Bloemfontein, a church we often visited during our years in Bloemfontein.

Back to the book. The title is Number Two to Tutu. A memoir. It is written by Michael Nuttall who was Dean of the province (which means Tutus deputy when Tutu was the Archbishop of the Church of the Province in Southern Africa – CPSA – today known as The Anglican Church of Southern Africa). The book – which I am busy reading now – tells the story about two church leaders who became close friends. Both of them had been candidates when an Archbishop were elected in 1981. None of them were elected. Again in 1986 they were candidates and it stood between the two of them. Nuttall writes openly about his feelings after the election:

My prayer beforehand had been for ‘a holy indifference’ regarding the outcome of the election. Yet there came upon me immediately afterwards feelings of rejection that took me greatly by surprise. I too had been caught up in the power pressures and possibilities of the moment. The sense of rejection was a salutary experience, revealing a vulnerable humanity beneath the veneer of acceptance.

I find it refreshing that he admits this. And in the chapters that follow it is no doubt that he means it. He understands and appreciates that Tutu was the person for the task.

I wanted to write about Michael Nuttall, because he will preach at the funeral of Tutu. It takes place in St. George’s Cathedral in Cape Town at 10 am (SAST) on Saturday January 1, 2022. The service will be held as an Anglican Requiem Mass, something that Desmond Tutu wanted. The Office of the Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town writes about Nuttall and Tutu:

… they formed an exceptionally close relationship, which in the 1980s modelled how a white leader could work for and closely with a black leader.

I hope the service will be streamed and also possible to watch afterwards.

Today I attended an inter-denominational and interfaith memorial service. It was live streamed on the Facebook page of the South African Council of Churches (SACC). Unfortunately, there were some technical challenges, so the streaming did not start directly. There is however a possibility to listen to most of the service via this link.

The World Council of Churches writes about this in a press release with the heading:

Church leader calls on South Africa to strive for Desmond Tutu's ideals

One ideal that Tutu definetely had was the importance of teamwork. The book about Nuttall and Tutu so far describes two leaders who understands that they need one another and others. One final example is from a newspaper interview in April 2001 when Tutu was asked about his weaknesses, his frailties. He replied:

I have a very strong weakness for being liked. I want to be popular. I love to be loved. One has enjoyed the limelight. I am guilty of the sin of pride. Sometimes I find it very difficult to be humble – that is why it is so good to have Leah. She pulls me down a peg or two. To her I’m not an archbishop with a Noble Prize; I’m just a not-very-good husband who likes gardens but won’t do any gardening.

Om makt och religion

Det är spännande att studera relationen mellan makt och religion. En del av min egen forskning handlar om det. Kanske det mesta egentligen. Min avhandling skrev jag om South African Council of Churches och dess profetiska röst efter apartheids fall. Artiklar jag fått publicerade handlar om genusfrågor i relation till makt och religion men även om frågor kring migration och sexualitet.

Men det går ju att skriva om detta på andra sätt än i akademiska avhandlingar och artiklar. En som gjort detta är Aili Lundmark, som är en av mina arbetskamrater, även om hon inte är anställd av Bibelsällskapet. Aili avslutar precis sitt uppdrag som stilist i den bibelöversättning som vi kallar Pilotöversättningen. Men hon kommer att fortsätta i nästa, betydligt större, uppdrag: att vara en av två stilister i redaktionskommittén för vår översättning av Nya testamentet till 2026.

Nu har dock Aili kommit fått sin första roman publicerad. Titeln indikerar att den rör sig inom en trossfär:

Inte bara amen och halleluja

Av baksidestexten att döma handlar boken om Josefin som är med i en kristen församling och blir förälskad i den karismatiske ledaren, Torsten. Läsaren får dock veta att Torsten kanske bär på mörka sidor. Frågan är hur det ska gå för Josefin.

Jag måste erkänna att jag rycktes med i berättelsen. Aili skriver lättbegripligt och medryckande. Möjligen undrar jag över om boken i själva verket är en ungdomsbok. Omslaget antyder något sådant och huvudpersonen är ganska ung. Hon skriver dagbok och drömmer om framtiden.

Grundfrågorna är dock allmänmänskliga. Det handlar om ledarskap och möjligheten att ifrågasätta. Vem kan man lita på, egentligen? Romanen beskriver hur farligt det blir i ett sammanhang där den kritiska rösten betraktas som en potentiell demon. Även om handlingen utspelar sig i Uppsala centrum går tankarna till en riksbekant kristen församling fyra mil österut.

Den värld som målas upp har jag inte så stor erfarenhet av. Jag har alltid tillhört Svenska kyrkan och även om det absolut finns risk att karismatiska ledare utnyttjar sin ställning även i min egen kyrka tar det sig ofta andra uttryck. När Aili beskriver beslutsfattande i församlingsmöten och styrelser har jag ringa erfarenheter att koppla ihop det med.

Men jag var student i Uppsala på sjuttiotalet och åttitalet. Ibland besökte jag samlingar på fredagskvällarna i det som då kallades Sveriges Evangeliska Student och Gymnasiströrelse (SESG). Jag minns en kväll när en av studentprästerna, som sedermera skulle bilda en ny församling, predikade. Samlingen hölls i Kyrkans hus på Sysslomansgatan och salen var fylld av unga människor. Där kom jag i kontakt med något av det som Aili beskriver.

Jag är inte helt säker på när handlingen utspelar sig men inte på 80-talet i alla fall. Mobiltelefoner förekommer, så det bör vara 90-tal eller senare. Jag tror inte det förekommer datorer.

Inte vara amen och halleluja är en bok som jag varmt rekommenderar för läsning. Inte minst för människor som lever i miljöer där det finns risk att starka ledare missbrukar sin position för egna syften. Och som sagt: det förekommer i alla sammanhang.

Boken ges ut av Hoi förlag och det går också att läsa mer om den på Ailis egen webbplats. Länken kommer här. Vill Du köpa den så finns den i Bibelbutiken. Länken är här.

No singing in South African churches

During the week I have read some news about the reopening of South African churches. The President, Cyril Ramaphosa, has obviously made an announcement that churches may start with worship services again. According to IOL news this was announced by the President together with the General Secretary of the South African Council of Churches, Bishop Malusi Mpumlwana. The bishop was quoted:

play music, don’t sing

In the Policy Guide that the SACC has issues there are many recommendations. It doesn’t forbid singing. It states:

The singing of hymns may need to be considered VERY carefully. Two meters is not far enough apart for hymns to be sung. Similarly, responses need to sotto voce (intentionally lowering the voice) to avoid expressing any saliva.

Thabo Makgoba, Anglican Archbishop.

One of the church leaders within the SACC, Anglican Archbishop Thabo Makgoba summarises the policy to his followers on his blog:

… a limit of 50 on services, disinfecting surfaces between services, physical distancing in churches, the avoidance of shared hymnals and prayer books, the wearing of masks during services, restrictions on singing (because it has proved to play a big role in spreading the virus), avoidance of the common chalice at Eucharist, no gatherings after services and rigorous hygiene in church toilets.

I have especially noticed two former SACC leaders, who are critical. Peter Storey, who was the President of the SACC 1980-83 is not happy at all. He writes:

Allowing public worship ill-advised and dangerous

John de Gruchy, another well-known South African Theologian, writes on his blog:

The fact that most Christians throughout the world have been prevented from going to church buildings has not meant that the church has stopped being the church.  The first Christians did not have church buildings; they gathered in homes for prayer and fellowship, and they did so in order to go into the world to proclaim the good news about Jesus.  That is why at the end of the Eucharist we are sent into the world to love and serve. It is misleading, then, to say that once the pandemic is over, we can go back to church when we never stopped being the church.

According to News 24 the SACC says that they did not “coerce government into allowing places of worship to open”. I guess this is a very sensitive issue. So the question is:

Will South African Christians be able to do this?

And in the same breath I need to ask the same question to our own church because we also gather in many churches. I have participated some Sundays, but we have also prayed at home at times. I am reluctant. In our own city, Uppsala, the number of infected people seems to increase again. Is the right thing to close churches again?

The Past and the History

Every group of people has a past. A family, a village, a nation. The past consists of all that has happened, being said, written or built. No one can summarise the past. The past is everything. The past is incalculable.

When we look into the past we create history. This means that we select certain events or artefacts. We focus on specific casual links between those events. And we describe these chains of events with certain concepts.

Was F W de Klerk the President of South Africa or the Deputy President of South Africa? Or both? This is a question that South Africans answer differently today. On the website of F W de Klerk Foundation one can read that he is “the former President”.

In the State of Nation Address, however, South Africa’s President, Cyril Ramaphosa, addressed him as “former Deputy President”. History is written differently. The truth is that F W de Klerk was State President in the apartheid era. When South Africa became a democracy in 1994 he was Deputy President.

Why is this important? Because de Klerk's presence in the parliament at the SONA this year was heavily questioned by the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF). The Speaker of the National Assembly, Ms Thandi Modise, did not entertain their complaint. The EFF wanted de Klerk to leave but his presence in the chamber was defended. Not because he claims that he once was the President but because he once was one of two deputy Presidents of South Africa.

I agree with what Michael Lapsley wrote on his Facebook wall the day after the SONA:

I consider the anti-democratic behaviour of the EFF at SONA totally unacceptable and actually reprehensible.Nevertheless I have to admit that emotionally part of me was pleased to hear FW called out.

To understand why Michael Lapsley writes this, one has to know that this Anglican priest lost both his hands and one eye when he opened a letter bomb in his home in Harare in 1990. The bomb was placed in the letter by the apartheid regime and at the time F W de Klerk was the State President. In his autobiography: Redeeming the Past. My Journey from Freedom Fighter to Healer (Orbis Books, Maryknoll 2012), Michael Lapsley writes:

So I hold de Klerk politically and morally responsible for my bombing. He may not have personally ordered it. He may not even have known about it, though it’s possible that he did. But he certainly knew about and did nothing to dismantle the machinery of state that carried it out. Despite this, I have yet to hear one word of remorse or acknowledgement of personal responsibility from F. W. de Klerk, a Nobel Peace Prize winner, about the evisl perpetrated by the apartheid state that he headed. Instead, his attitude is, “I saw nothing, I knew nothing, and I did nothing” (page139).

What really ignited the fire this time was that F W de Klerk Foundation had issued a statement saying that

… we cannot, from a legal point of view, accept that apartheid can in this manner be made a crime against humanity. 

I cannot understand why they had to come out with this statement right now. But it really shows that South Africa needs a continuing reconciliation process. Michael Lapsley also acknowledges this:

As an Institute for Healing of Memories we believe it is time for a new national conversation. [A]bout our pain and trauma that is so close to the surface and which needs to be healed if we are to attain peace with ourselves and create a kind, compassionate and just Society.

The South African Council of Churches (SACC) also issued a statement in response to the F W de Klerk Foundation. Amongst other things they said:

The statement issued by the De Klerk Foundation yesterday on February 14 - the Day of Celebrating Love, amplifying Mr De Klerk’s position that apartheid was not a crime against humanity, but a Soviet propaganda ploy, cannot go unchallenged by the South African Council of Churches. Apartheid was not only a crime, it was more than that, it was a gross sin against the image of God in the humanity of Black South Africans, generally called non-whites, who were legally treated as sub-human, and without the basic rights due to normal human beings.

So, one has to understand the dynamics behind the protests of the EFF. Still, I agree with the Speaker that F W de Klerk should remain in the room. One cannot remove him from the past. In my understanding the EFF tries to rewrite history.

The SONA itself dealt with the failure of Eskom to supply South Africa with electricity, the weak public finances and the problems with state-owned enterprises. Important issues and I really hope the present Government will be able to improve the lives of South Africans.

Ramaphosa also welcomed three distinguished persons the evening of the SONA:

Tonight, we are joined by Zozibini Tunzi, whose ascendance to the Miss Universe title is a reminder of our potential to achieve greatness against the odds. 

We also welcome Springbok captain Siya Kolisi, who led a group of determined and united South Africans to become the 2019 World Rugby Champions. 

We are joined this evening by another remarkable young person, Miss Sinoyolo Qumba, a Grade 11 learner from Lenasia South, who spent much of yesterday helping me to write this State of the Nation Address.

Just to end this blog post I realised that I really appreciate the title of Michael Lapsleys autobiography. 

Redeeming the Past.

Not the History, but the Past. Food for thoughts.

Sydafrika i fokus

Denna vecka äger ett viktigt besök rum i Sydafrika. Det är en delegation från Kyrkornas Världsråd (KV) som reser till Sydafrika, som ett led i det som kallas

a social-justice mission (ett uppdrag för social rättvisa)

Det går att läsa mer i ett pressmeddelande från KV. Värd är Sydafrikanska kyrkorådet (South African Council of Churches – SACC). Resan sätter focus på genusbaserat våld, som är ett utav Sydafrikas värsta problem och på våld mot utländska medborgare.

Med på resan är KV’s generalsekreterare, Olav Fykse Tveit, vice generalsekreterare Isabel Apawo Phiri, Zimbabwes kristna råds generalsekreterare Kenneth Mtata och KV’s kommunikationsdirektör Marianne Ejdersten. I Johannesburg möttes de av Frank Chikane, som var generalsekreterare för SACC fram till 1993. Han är nu bland annat ordförande för KV’s Commission of the Churches on International Affairs. Hela delegationen består av 16 personer, under ledning av Olav Fykse Tveit.

Fr v: Frank Chikane, Isabel Phiri, Kenneth Mtata, Olav Fykse Tveit.
Foto: Marianne Ejdersten

Generalsekreteraren för SACC, biskop Malusi Mpumlwana, skriver att KV besöker Sydafrika för att slå följe med sydafrikanska kristna i kampen mot genusbaserat våld och våld mot utländska medborgare. Han är tacksam för besöket.

Enligt Olav Fykse Tveit har Sydafrika en speciell plats i KV’s hjärta. I hans uttalande går det att höra en besvikelse över att Sydafrika, som varit en förebild i kampen för mänskliga rättigheter och mänsklig värdighet nu återigen får kämpa med våld och orättvisor. Resan är en pilgrimsfärd för rättvisa och fred.

Imorgon, måndag, ska delegationen träffa Sydafrikas president, Cyril Ramaphosa.

Min reflektion är att Sydafrika behöver fortsätta att arbeta med sin försoningsprocess. Det är symptomatiskt att Sannings- och försoningskommissionens ordförande, Ärkebiskop Emeritus Desmond Mpilo Tutu, just nu ligger på sjukhus med en elak virusinfektion. Det positiva är att Tutu, enligt News24, är på bättringsvägen. Men kommer försoningsprocessen att återhämta sig? Avgörande är att regeringen lyckas införa reformer, så att de rika och priviligierade i landet tvingas dela med sig. Sydafrika är ett av de länder i världen som har störst ekonomiska och sociala klyftor. Inte minst det politiska etablissemanget under förre presidenten, Jacob Zuma, roffade åt sig utan motstycke. Men många av de mestadels vita, rika gruv- och jordägarna har inte heller behövt dela med sig särskilt mycket efter demokratiseringen. Det behövs reformer.

I Sverige har vi mycket att lära. En fråga är: kommer Sveriges Kristna Råd att bjuda in Kyrkornas Världsråd, för att även vi har problem? Tror vi – med Sydafrikas historia i åtanke –

att en politik som delar upp människor, är lösningen på gängkriminalitet och våld? Vad skulle inte kristna från södra Afrika kunna göra för oss idag?

Idag möts många av oss till gudstjänst. Temat i Svenska kyrkans evangeliebok är:

Guds rike är nära.

Det känns inte alltid så. Men det är inte desto mindre sant. Guds rike är nära. Gud själv är nära. Där människor lider. Där människor söker Guds hjälp. Låt oss göra det i bön och beredvillighet att också själva stå till Guds och medmänniskors tjänst.

Till andra män

#meetoo är här för att stanna. Ett bra tag i alla fall. Och det är samtidigt bra och inte bra. Det är förskräckligt att rörelsen ska behövas. Det är bra att den kommit. Och med sådan kraft. Jag hoppas (och tror) att rörelsen behåller sitt momentum tills situationen i grunden förändrats.

Jag tror mig förstå att vi män ser väldigt olika på det många kvinnor vill säga till oss. Det kan ömsom fylla oss med skuld och skam, ömsom med lättnad. Ibland blir vi arga, ibland känner vi oss utpekade.

I denna bloggpost kommer jag inte att säga så mycket om vem som har skuld eller inte. Eller hur den skulden i så fall ser ut. Jag vill istället dra en parallell som åtminstone hjälper mig. Det är min förhoppning att även någon annan blir hjälpt av den.

Sydafrika

På 1980-talet bodde jag och arbetade ett år i Sydafrika. Sedan dess har jag följt Sydafrikas utveckling på olika sätt. När jag nu drar en parallell mellan det som kvinnor i världen berättar och det som skedde i Sydafrika under apartheid-tiden, är jag medveten om att det finns enorma skillnader. Jag är framför allt ute efter att jämföra de vitas roll i Sydafrika med männens roll i förhållande till genusbaserat förtryck.

Beyers Naudé

2004 fick jag representera Svenska kyrkan vid en märklig begravning. Det var en vit präst som begravdes. Han hade i sin ungdom tillhört det beryktade Broederbond. Beyers Naudé var, liksom sin far, en del av denna innersta krets i det vita Sydafrika. I Broederbond fanns hjärnorna bakom det raffinerade rasförtryck som fick namnet apartheid.

När polisen kallblodigt sköt ihjäl runt 70 svarta personer i Sharpeville den 21 mars 1960, insåg Beyers Naudé att något var fel. I grunden. Han bytte sida. Hans engagemang ledde till att han uteslöts ur sin kyrka. Hans familj blev utfryst. Han sattes i husarrest. Och mycket annat. Han gav dock inte upp sin kamp. När Desmond Mpilo Tutu avgick som generalsekreterare för South African Council of Churches (SACC) 1985 utsågs Beyers Naudé till hans efterträdare. För Naudé var det obegripligt att SACC, som till största delen bestod av svarta, ville ha en vit ledare.

Hans begravning, ägde rum i den kyrka som en gång uteslutit honom. Han fick halv statsbegravning i närvaro av bland andra Sydafrikas dåvarande president Thabo Mbeki. Jag har berört detta i en tidigare bloggpost om Ilse Naudé, hans hustru. Beyers omvändelse berodde sannolikt till stor del på henne.

Struktur och individ

För någon månad sedan deltog jag i en manifestation i centrala Uppsala. Sara Fälting hade tagit initiativ till den, utifrån #meetoo-kampanjen i sociala medier. Det går att läsa om det i UNT. En representant för RFSU sa då:

Vi är emot patriarkatet, inte männen.

För mig är detta ett avgörande perspektiv. Kvinnor protesterar mot det utbredda förtryck som finns och som tar sig uttryck i att män begår sexuella övergrepp. Vissa män utför dessa handlingar. Andra tiger. Att det kan fortgå beror inte i första hand på enskilda män utan på ett strukturellt förtryck. Det kallas patriarkatet. Det är inget bra system. Varken för kvinnor eller män.

Apartheid och patriarkatet går självklart två olika saker. Men det finns många beröringspunkter. Jag går dock inte in på det i denna bloggpost. Det jag vill lyfta fram är hur vita i Sydafrika respektive män i världen i stort kan förhålla sig.

Vi kan göra skillnad

Om Du är man och läser detta, är detta min önskan: fundera över de orättvisor som finns mellan kvinnor och män i världen!

Kan Du se att kvinnor ibland (eller till och med ofta) förtrycks?

Kan Du se att Du som man ibland (eller till och med ofta) slipper detta förtryck? Skulle Du vilja ändra på denna grundläggande orättvisa?

I så fall tror jag att Du kan skilja på struktur och individ. I så fall kan Du vara med och göra skillnad.

Du kanske också har individuell skuld. För något Du sagt eller gjort. För någon gång när Du passivt låtit något ske. Detta kan Du inte ändra på. Men Du kan ändra på Ditt förhållningssätt i framtiden.

Många vita gjorde det i Sydafrika. Det var betydelsefullt. Och det är fortfarande betydelsefullt.

Jacob Zuma flyttar till Dubai. Vem tar över?

Nu får det väl vara nog. Enligt Timeslive har den i Sydafrika inflytelserika finansfamiljen Gupta köpt ett lyxpalats i Dubai till Sydafrikas president, Jacob Zuma. Han blir granne med Zimbabwes president, Robert Mugabe. Suck! Vad jag förstår har uppgifter om detta läckt ut via e-mail från familjen Gupta.

Begreppet Guptagate är en lång historia i Sydafrika. Men det handlar ytterst om korruption. Det finns oerhört många indikationer på att presidenten medverkat till att denna finansfamilj fått förtur till stora beställningar från staten. Ett exempel är det som Timeslive rapporterar, att de bidragit till att ett kinesiskt företag fått sälja tåg och för denna affär fått s k ’kickbacks’ till ett värde av många miljarder. Det som händer beskrivs med begreppet 'State Capture' - vilket innebär att hela statsapparaten korrumperas, på ett organiserat sätt. Som i en maffia-stat. Anton van Dalsen beskriver detta för en tid sedan i CNBC Africa. Där lyfts glädjande nog South African Council of Churches (SACC) fram, för sitt aktiva arbete mot denna korruption.

Det är mycket som sker kring Jacob Zuma och frågan är om han kommer att kunna sitta kvar sin period ut. Det talas om misstroendeomröstning i parlamentet. Det ståår nu klart att den kan ske med bibehållen skretess för parlamentsledamöterna, efter ett beslut i konstitutionsdomstolen. I så fall skulle nog även många ANC:are rösta emot Zuma. Det är dock osäkert om tillräckligt många kan tänka sig att fälla sin ledare i parlamentet. ANC's tradition är ju att avgöra detta i sina egna sammanhang. Så skedde när Mbeki avsattes 2009.

Zumas presidentperiod slutar 2018. Men hans period som president för ANC tar slut redan i år. Beroende på vem som efterträder honom där, kommer hans framtida öde som sydafrikansk president avgöras.

Vad jag förstår finns två huvudkandidater. Den nuvarande vice-presidententen, Cyril Ramaphosa, stöds av en falang. Han var påtänkt som efterträdare till Mandela men utmanövrerades av Mbeki. Ramaphosa var mycket involverad i arbetet inför Sydafrikas första demokratiska val – CODESA. Han var också mycket aktiv i arbetet med den nya konstitutionen, som kom 1996. Han stöds bland annat av fackföreningsrörelsen Cosatu. Själv var han ledare för gruvarbetarfacket på 1980-talet. Men hans största problem är att han gav sig in i business och blev ägare till Lonmingruvan, som var inbladad i Marikana-massakern, där 44 gruvarbetare dödades av polisen.

Den andra huvudkandidaten är Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, den nuvarande presidentens, Jacob Zuma, ex-fru. Hon har länge varit ordförande för Afrikanska Unionen (AU) och är mycket respekterad internationellt. Hon är läkare och var tidigt engagerad i Sydafrikas studentrörelse. När jag talar med min kollegor vid University of KwaZulu-Natal förstår jag att de är olyckliga över att hon lierat sig med Jacob Zumas stödtrupper inför valet av hans efterträdare. Det är också ett problem att hon, som mor till flera av Jacob Zumas barn, förväntas ge honom immunitet.

Det finns också några ’dark horses’. En av dem är ANC’s kassör, Zweli Mkhize. Han står nära Jacob Zuma. En annan är parlamentets talman, Baleka Mbete. Dessa fyra förs fram som tänkbara efterträdare av ENCA.

Lindiwe Sisulu - nästa president i Sydafrika?

Men det finns ett annat namn som nämns mer och mer. Det är Lindiwe Sisulu, som har varit med i Sydafrikas regering sedan 2004. Hon är dotter till Albertina och Walter Sisulu, två oerhört respekterade frihetskämpar. Walter Sisulu satt på Robben Island med Mandela. Om ANC får problem att enas kring antingen Dlamini-Zuma eller Ramaphosa kan Sisulu mycket väl bli en kompromisskandidat. Jag tror hon skulle bli bra. Hon kunde ge Sydafrika en ny start.

The SACC questions the legitimacy of the Government in SA

It gives me hope that the South African Council of Churches meet for their triennial conference. A number of years ago many people thought that the Council had died. And it really experienced difficult times. Financially and administratively. Three years ago a successful attempt managed to save the organization. New leadership were elected and since then the council has functioned. Whether it has functioned well I cannot really judge. But from time to time I have seen statements and understood that the prophetic voice is still there.

Archbishop emeritus, Anders Wejryd, from Church of Sweden, was invited to the meeting and his address is available on the website of the World Council of Churches. He stressed the importance of the South African Constitution. I agree with him. South Africa has a strong constitution and some independent institutions with integrity. The Public Protector and the Constitutional Court, to mention a few. In between the lines he also gave support to the SACC in its difficult task to be a prophetic voice:

Now, when you are discerning the present situation in your land and your responsibilities as servants of the people living in your land and as servants of the Lord, you shall know that the ecumenical movement is with you.

The President of the SACC, Bishop Ziphozihle D Siwa, was more outspoken about the situation. He spoke about gross organized and rampant corruption. And it was equally clear that the government is the addressee. It seems to me that the SACC – again – question the legitimacy of the present government.

Section 41 of the Constitution in Chapter 3 on the Principles of Co-Operative Government and Intergovernmental Relations. Three Subsections of Section 41 (1) says that all organs of State must:(b) Secure the well-being of the people of the Republic(c) Provide effective, transparent, accountable and coherent government for the Republic as a whole; (d) Be loyal to the Constitution, the Republic, and its people.” The above in the light of what has been revealed by the reports point to questions of moral and constitutional legitimacy of the Government. How has the Parliament and the Executive conducted themselves? What do we do? This Conference must craft clear action plans for the sake of this nation. “Iph’ indlela? (Where is the way?).

To me this is a hopeful sign.

Right Rev Dr Manas Buthelezi – R I P

Photo: Kristina Göranzon

One of the former bishops of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Southern Africa (ELCSA) – Dr Manas Buthelezi – passed on this morning. I don’t know much about when and how, but via my wife I got a message from the Church Wide Office of ELCSA.

Dr Buthelezi was – in his capacity as a well-known proponent of Black Theology – deeply involved in the fight against apartheid.

During a period he was the President of the South African Council of Churches.

There is so much to write about him. At this point I just want to pay my tribute to this Son of the soil.

A short article about him, you will find if you press here.

… as we Forgive those who Trespass against Us

President Jacob Zuma in South Africa delivered an apology on Friday. Listen to it on you tube. He actually did it. But it came too late. Today I learned, in IOL, that the South African Council of Churches rejects his apology. Is that possible? Isn’t the church obliged to convey God’s forgiveness to those who repent? The questions is of course:

Does the president repent?

According to News24 and the ANC chief whip Jackson Mthembu, the apology of the President comes from his heart. Mthembu said that ...

... the fact that Zuma stood in front of the nation and said he could have done better showed remorse.

We can also learn that the President ...

… unreservedly accepted the Constitutional Court's judgment.

Well, it took a long time to come to this point. In my understanding the President has been offered many opportunities to do what he is doing now. When News24 states that he

… said he had not deliberately violated the Constitution and never meant any disrespect to Madonsela's office …

I am not convinced.

The Constitutional Court, according to the Guardian, ruled that the president had failed to uphold the constitution. But the Presidency, according to the Mail and Guardian, disagrees. It will be interesting to see how this develops.

One of the ANC stalwarts that was imprisoned with Nelson Mandela on Robben Island, Achmed Kathadra, has spoken out strongly against Zuma. I guess this has also played its part.

In all this I am happy that the SACC finds its feet again. This has also taken a rather long time. It will be crucial how the council manages to keep its integrity throughout this period. After the dawn of democracy in South Africa, the Council has struggled to find its new role. In a statement from 16 December 2015 this is clear. The SACC and the President met on the evening of the Reconciliation Day and they could not reach any agreement with the President about his reshuffling of ministers in the cabinet.

They met on the eve of Reconciliation day. They did not agree. Now the SACC rejects the apology of the President. Reconciliation is a process and it is still on going. And it is not easy.

Already last year Archbishop emeritus Desmond Mpilo Tutu warned the ANC government for this. Listen to him on this you tube clip.

#FeesMustFall

To understand this hash tag, one has to know about another hash tag:

#RhodesMustFall

I have written about this in a few blog posts last year. The students at the University of Cape Town (UCT), together with teachers and other staff members demanded that the statue of John Cecil Rhodes, in the centre of the UCT campus, had to be taken away. This was also done, after a short time of protests. The undercurrents were South Africa’s reflection on the colonial era and also a need for renewal of the reconciliation process. Even the role of Nelson Mandela (whose name is linked with Rhodes, in the Mandela Rhodes Foundation) was questioned.

The last month or so South Africa has seen similar protests, yet quite different. This time – and it is nothing new – the fight is about tuition fees. South Africa does not have extremely high fees but for most of the population they are still not affordable. According to what I hear, the country could afford free tertiary education. The ANC-government has, however, not opted for this route. It claims that the nation first has to roll out a social security system. The critiques say that this is not happening anyway. Many billion rand disappear into mismanagement or corruption. (Read more about this on the blog of my friend and colleague, Hans Engdahl).

This time the different universities had informed students about an increment of fees for 2016. About 6 %, which I think is equal to the inflation. The students did not want this. So, students took to the streets. In almost every university town! This Thursday and Friday the University of KwaZulu-Natal therefore decided to close the University.

Rico and Clint ( in the middle) are discussing strategy with the students.

Some of UKZN-colleagues were marching with the students and yesterday evening I got first-hand information from the protest march in Pietermaritzburg. It had been a very peaceful march. The police had been there and acted in a helpful manner. A few minor incidents happened. Like some students who started to through empty plastic bottles over a fence onto the Provincial Legislature Building. Those were directly stopped by the organisers, who directly expressed that this was a peaceful demonstration.

There is a widespread support in South Africa for the students this time. The ANC has promised free education long ago and it does not happen. The minister of Education, Blade Nsimande, really made a mistake by trying to joke and say that the students must fall. By the way, he is the General Secretary of the South African Communist Party (SACP) and he is now the target of the revolution.

Well known, high profile leaders, like Senior Vice-President of the South African Council of Churches (SACC), Frank Chikane, Anglican Archbishop Thabo Makgoba and even the Vice Chancellor of the University of Cape Town (UCT), Max Price, support the protests. Maybe it is because their own children take part in it. All three have sons who have been arrested.

News24 writes that the son of the UCT VC was arrested. IOL-news reports about the sons of Makgoba and Chikane and especially about the reaction of Makgoba:

Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town Thabo Makgoba broke down on Thursday as he reacted to his son’s arrest during the student protest at Parliament against university fee increases.

On his his blog Thabo Makgoba says:

I appeal to Bishops and parishioners in all our dioceses to support students and staff at tertiary institutions, and to pray for an amicable resolution to the crisis. Apart from holding prayer vigils, I appeal to our churches to give practical help to students in distress.

I also find a statement from church leaders on this blog. The link is here. I am sorry that I don’t see the preseiding bishop of ELCSA as one of the signatories, although there are two other Lutherans. One from ELCSA (N-T) and one from LUCSA.

Late yesterday afternoon, President Zuma informed the country that the fees will stay the same for 2016. How the government will compensate the universities is not clear. But the students take this as a victory.

If this will lead to a system with free tertiary education is still to be seen. That would, I believe, definitely be a step in the right direction.

The SACC “back on its feet”

Every week I get a newsletter from the World Council of Churches (WCC). AS far as I know anyone can do that. Try this link: WCC news!

Last week I found interesting news about the South African Council of Churches. This is the organisation I focused on in my PhD thesis. It was a vibrant and important ecumenical body during the fight against apartheid. After the demise of this evil system the SACC has had difficulties to find its raison d’être and in 2011 the organisation, according to the newsletter from the WCC, closed down.

Since then the SACC has renewed its organisation. I wrote a blog post about this on the 26 February 2014.

It is good to see that things are happening. The news now is that the head office in Johannesburg has reopened. It is located in Khotso house. (Khotso means 'Peace' in seSotho).

From left to right, Isabel Apawo Phiri, Frank Chikane,
Malusi Mpumlwana and Olav Fykse Tveit,
at the Ecumenical Centre in Geneva. © WCC/Diana Chabloz

The reason for the update from the WCC is that a meeting was held in Geneva, Switzerland, on the 16 September, between the leadership of the SACC and the leadership of the WCC. Rev. Dr Frank Chikane, who is the senior vice president of the SACC and Bishop Malusi Mpumlwana, SACC’s acting general secretary, met with Rev. Dr Olav Fykse Tveit, general secretary of the WCC, and Dr Isabel Apawo Phiri, associate general secretary of the WCC. (Isabel was the dean of the School of Religion, Philosophy and Classics just before I moved to South Africa)

At the meeting, the WCC general secretary said:

Many regional and national councils of churches have gone through problems, but we are working together to strengthen the fellowship. We need a strong SACC to grow in the ecumenical movement.

I am especially glad to read that the SACC was established in 1936. Usually the year is set to 1967 or 1968. The reason for this being a name change from the Christian Council of South Africa (CCSA) to the South African Council of Churches (SACC). The organisation also got a new constitution in 1968.But it remained the same council established in Bloemfontein 1936. I have argued that the organisation is the same in my PhD thesis. It can be found on line. The link is here. Read page 100-103.

Personally I would have appreciated a more thorough remake of the council. Possibly with a new name. And with a broad invitation to all churches in South Africa to join. Maybe the latter has happened. If so it is outside my knowledge.

The webiste of the SACC is however still under construction. 

ELCSA slams Nkandla report

As media has reported already last week, for instance the Mail and Guardian, the Police Minister of South Africa has filed a report on Nkandla, where he concludes that President Zuma does not need to pay back any money. All upgrades were necessary, says Police Minister Nathi Nhleko.

Now our Lutheran Church, ELCSA, has issues a statement. It reads:

The Evangelical Lutheran Church in Southern Africa (ELCSA) in her 130th Church Council sitting dated 1st – 3rd June 2015 would like to add its voice in condemnation of the defensive stance as reflected in the Police Minister Nathi Nhleko’s Nkandla Report that absolved President Jacob Zuma from repaying any money for the security upgrade to his home.

We slam Nhleko’s report which contradicts the findings of Public Protector Thuli Madonsela and we want to categorically state that it is shocking and a grave mockery of justice. Failure of the President and the relevant ministers to own up to the unjustifiably high costs of the upgrades damages the moral integrity of the whole governing system.

As states by the SACC we believe that the review of the Public Protector’s report should have been conducted by a competent independent body or arm of government and not by a minister who serves the whim of the Office being investigated.

As a Church we also appeal to all citizens to unite across political, social, economic and religious persuasions to hold all of us who are in positions or influence accountable.

“We will continue to pray for the government to be directed in the ways of justice, honesty, peace and dignity for all”.

We can not sit back and condone that the Visitor’s Centre, the amphitheatre, the cattle kraal and chicken run and the swimming pool are security related. How the Minister has arrived at the conclusion leaves us with more questions than answers. Our view point does not discount the fact that we appreciate the need to protect the President and his family; however the costs incurred to date are exorbitant and have cause public outrage.

We urge the Minister and President Zuma to own up and take the citizens of this Country seriously by owning up and implement the recommendations of the Public Protector.

Bishop M M Ditlhale, Presiding Bishop

It is good. Maybe also brave. I see some signs that churches in South Africa are reclaiming a prophetic role. I welcome that.

Presently I attend a conference at the University of the Western Cape, where the Anglican Archbishop Thabo Makgoba also criticized the government. He said:

The ruling party fears a strong and united church.

He also asked, which I found surprising:

When do we as an ecumenical church withdraw our moral support of a democratically elected government?

Also the South African Council of Churches has spoken out an blasted President Zumas behaviour in parliament:

We are gravely concerned about the failure of the president and the relevant ministers to accept moral and political responsibility in relation to the unjustifiably high costs of the upgrades

SACC's Preseident, Siwa, said in the statement, according to ENCA.

The SACC calls for National Indaba on Xenophobia

Fr Michael is the Deputy President of the SACC

I would like to share what Fr Michael Lapsley just posted on Facebook. It is good that the South African Council of Churches (SACC) also reacts. After the text I will only make one comment about a sentence that can be contested.

April 13, 2015

Not in our name!
Stop attacking black non-South Africans!
Attacking fellow Africans is attacking our national values!
The South African Council of Churches is alarmed and dismayed at the growing instances of intolerance and violence that have broken out all over the country but most recently in KwaZulu Natal. These outbreaks signal a serious breakdown of the core African values that have hitherto made us an admirable and stable society at peace with itself. We appeal to all citizens of the Republic of South Africa to stop these unacceptable xenophobic attacks on fellow Africans.
We urgently call for an organized national dialogue on the “status” of foreign nationals, and our national “attitude” towards their presence in South Africa. These African nationals we are shamelessly persecuting, ransacking and killing today come from countries who sacrificed their national securities and economic development to give the liberation movement rear-guard bases to fight and eventually topple the Apartheid regime. Our future socio-economic development hinges on our ability to relate to other African nations in a manner that fosters unity of purpose and human dignity.
This unbridled violence directed at foreign nationals, which has also tragically culminated in the loss of lives, is an unspeakable tragedy. It reflects poorly on our African ethos and Christian values.
The South African Council of Churches calls for a National Indaba on the plight of foreign nationals in order to reach a consensus on a lasting solution that will preserve values that make South Africa a proud member of the community of nations. In another similar initiative, the Fellowship of Christian Councils of Southern Africa (FOCCISA) of which the SACC is a member, will, between May and June 2015, convene a special SADC meeting of Councils of Churches, to address the challenge of xenophobia in Southern Africa.
The SACC is employing its Anti-Xenophobia Action to promote interventions in the hotspots of Kwa-Zulu Natal. We call on South African business leaders to partner these initiatives. There is a very real danger that there may be a backlash against South Africans and their business operations throughout the continent in retaliation to our country being perceived as “Afrophobic.”
"Stop attacking black non-South Africans! Attacking foreigners is attacking our national values! Not in our name!
Bishop Malusi Mpumlwana Acting SACC General Secretary
bishopmalusi@sacc.org.za. 0760417244

My comment is: of course people must stop to attack other human beings in general. Not only fellow Africans. There are cases when for instance shop-owners from Pakistan have been attacked. This must also be condemned! But I agree about the focus on Afrophobia. With this amendment.

SACC still in 'Critical solidarity' with the ANC?

An article in the Mail and Guardian surprised me. Or rather a comment reflected in the article. The theme of the article is:

Why churches dumped the ANC

The article describes the relationship between the ANC and churches in South Africa. Especially the relationship with the Methodist Church of Southern Africa (MCSA) and the South African Council of Churches (SACC). Apparently the ANC has had a meeting with the SACC to discuss the strained relations.

Acting general secretary of the SACC Bishop Malusi Mpumlwana, who was at the meeting with Mantashe, told the Mail & Guardian that the council’s relationship with the ANC was one of “critical solidarity”.

The concept 'critical solidarity'was left as early as 2001 in favour of 'critical engagement'. The SACC did this at its Triennial Meeting, according to resolution 18:

RESOLVES that the SACC adopt an attitude of critical engagement in its dealings with the state and other organs of civil society and therefore requests the NEC to develop clear policies that will inform the concept of “critical engagement” and to assist SACC members in defining our relationship with the State ...

The rationale behind the shift from 'critical solidarity' to 'critical engagement' was the idea that one cannot be in solidarity with a government or with a powerful entity. Solidarity is always directed to the poor or those in the margin.

According to the Mail and Guardian

The Methodist Church has withdrawn its ministers from acting as chaplains in the party.

The M&G claims that the relationship between the ANC and the mainline churches has reached an all-time low under President Zuma’s administration. That’s why  Mantashe invited the leaders of the SACC recently.

This is of course nothing new. Mbeki related to the church leaders and other religious leaders through the National Religious Leader’s Forum (NRLF), formed by the Mandela government. When Zuma came into power he formed his own structure: the National Interfaith Leaders Council (NILC). Already in 2010, the then President of the SACC, Prof Tinyiko Sam Maluleke, said in his Presidential Address at the SACC Central Committee Meeting:

Unlike the NRLF which was a forum, we are told that the NILC is going to be a service delivery partner of the ruling party.

A very prominent figure in the NILC is the Rhema church leader Ray McCauley. The Rhema Church  is by many regarded as a proponent of the prosperity gospel. Hence it is not surprising that Mantashe, according to the M&G, writes in a NEC report:

The SACC is of the view that the ANC is more comfortable with wealth religion …

One issue that is singled out in the article is that the SACC was at the forefront in opposing e-tolls in Gauteng.

In the article Professor Tinyiko Maluleke is interviewed. Now as a political analyst at the University of Pretoria and he claims that the ANC has kept the SACC in line by giving government positions to SACC leaders:

Desmond Tutu [was given] the Truth and Reconciliation Commission chair position, Frank Chikane a position as director general in the presidency / … / This was a strategy to keep the SACC, the radical left churches, under control.

This is also old news. The question now is: Will the SACC become a strong, critical or even prophetic voice in the political situation of today’s South Africa? I hope so. I am, however, a bit pessimistic. The leaders are all men, most of them older than myself. Allow women and youth to be part of the leadership. That is my wish.

It is, however, a positive sign, that the ANC is a bit uncomfortable with the council.

SACC renewal event

A few days ago a re-launch of the South African Council of Churches (SACC) was held in Khotso house, Johannesburg. I got a media release in my mail box and the theme was:

SACC Vital Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow

I first saw it on Facebook the same day. The deputy president, Michael Lapsley, had posted a short video with former General Secretary, Archbishop Desmond Mpilo Tutu dancing together with the acting General Secretary of the SACC, Bishop Malusi Mpumlwana.

It is very good. The council is needed. The vision is important and I hope that the council will be able to live up to it:

The council will stand as a prophetic voice that will speak truth to power and hold political leadership accountable to the citizens who vote them into power.

I am however, a bit surprised that I find very little news about this in media and also nothing on the website of the SACC. Hopefully this will change.

I would also like to see younger persons in the leadership as well as another gender balance.

Having said this I hope and pray that this initiative will be a blessing to South Africa as a nation. Especially to the poor!

The prophetic voice in South Africa

On my way back to Pietermaritzburg I read the Tuesday 28 October issue of the Star. On page 8 I found a column and on page 9 an article. They were equally interesting. Both contained the views of top, South African church leaders.

The column is written by Pastor Ray McCauley, who is the president of the Rhema family churches. He is furthermore co-chairman of the National Religious Leaders Council. His column is a response to a call from South Africa’s Finance Minister, Nhlanhla Nene, that South Africa must “take the pill now or risk an economic disaster later.”

McCauley is totally in agreement with the Finance Minister and ends his column:

Let us support Nene and take his medicine. It is for our collective good.

First of all it is interesting that this evangelical pastor, leader of a prosperity gospel church, involves himself in the political life of the country. This is however nothing new. It is a well-known fact that McCauley is a supporter of the present government. The column makes this even clearer. He is in fact telling the readers of the Star, that they must be prepared for budget cuts across ministries and departments. He does say that higher income groups must pay more. But not with a single word does he mention corruption.

The article on page 9 is different. It is an excerpt from the Beyers Naudé Memorial lecture delivered by the Anglican Archbishop Thabo Makgoba. In his lecture he speaks out against corruption and he does that quite frankly. He insinuates that President Zuma regards corruption to be a crime only in a Western paradigm. And the archbishop mentions Nkandla in this context.

In fact, Archbishop Makgoba points out corruption as the major threat to democracy. And he makes no secret about the President being one of his main targets.

There are some similarities between the two texts I am referring to in this blog post but the differences are over whelming. Makgoba belongs to a mainline church. McCauley to a fast growing, charismatic church. President Zuma, contrary to his predecessors, clearly has turned to those new, denominations and they welcome this. Hopefully this will path the way to a new need for the South African Council of Churches as a strong prophetic voice in the country. I hope that they will reorganise the council, change the constitution and maybe also the name and arise like a Phoenix from the ashes. I also hope that Thabo Makgoba will be the president of such a resurrected council. And why not having Ray McCauley as one of the deputy presidents? I believe that the future for the ecumenical movement lies in cooperation between all Christians.

Having said this I also need to add, that there should also be women in a top leader position. Right now only men are leading the council.

Breaking news – Russel Botman dead

The University of Stellenbosch confirms, on twitter, that its Rector, Russel Botman, is dead.

We confirm that @RusselBotman passed away in his sleep, at his home, last night.

Russel Botman was at one stage President of the South African Council of Churches. It is a major loss for the ecumenical movement in South Africa, his own church, the Uniting Reformed Church in Southern Africa, the University of Stellensbosch and of course for his family.

Requiescat in pace!